{"id":2487,"date":"2019-04-03T11:00:03","date_gmt":"2019-04-03T09:00:03","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/weekly.uhm.org.mt\/?post_type=article&p=2487"},"modified":"2019-04-03T11:00:03","modified_gmt":"2019-04-03T09:00:03","slug":"il-politika-tal-immigrazzjoni-tal-ue-hi-hobz-ghal-snien-il-lemin-estrem","status":"publish","type":"article","link":"http:\/\/weekly.uhm.org.mt\/en\/article\/il-politika-tal-immigrazzjoni-tal-ue-hi-hobz-ghal-snien-il-lemin-estrem\/","title":{"rendered":"The EU immigration policy is grist to the mill of the far right."},"content":{"rendered":"

\"\"<\/p>\n

The latest attempt of the European\u00a0<\/span>internal<\/span>\u00a0affairs ministers to come to an agreement on a common policy on immigration ahead of the European Parliament elections has failed miserably.<\/span>\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Seven<\/span>\u00a0different white papers on the reform of the immigration policy in Europe have been on the negotiation<\/span>\u00a0table for three years,<\/span>\u00a0<\/span>d<\/span>uring\u00a0<\/span>which time they have been the subject of many heated debates among the<\/span>\u00a0EU<\/span>\u00a0internal<\/span>\u00a0affairs ministers<\/span>. They failed to reach any agreement and the discussions all ended on the same note: something needs to be done.\u00a0<\/span>Nothing, h<\/span>owever, is done.<\/span>\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

The<\/span>\u00a0standing Dublin regulation, that states that the first port of entry is responsible for the immigrant, remains in place. Although almost all of the<\/span>\u00a0EU<\/span>\u00a0internal affairs ministers<\/span>\u00a0are of the opinion that the rule is not applicable in practice \u2013 and they give a number of reasons why this is so \u2013 they still have to come up with a better solution.<\/span>\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

A common immigration and asylum policy that can be applied by all has, as yet, failed to materialise. National representatives have officially admitted that they cannot come to an agreement and, with this admission, are giving the Far Right the opportunity to strengthen its position. The populist parties are exploiting this sensitive issue of immigration when they appeal to voters while criticising the EU\u2019s inability to find a solution to this crisis only a few months short of the elections in May.<\/span>\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

As things stand, the EU has nothing to offer<\/span>\u00a0with regard to an immigration policy. The immigration\u00a0<\/span>crisis, that the Far Right refers to,<\/span>\u00a0does not exist at the moment. Arrivals in Europe have, in fact, decreased drastically.<\/span>\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

However<\/span>,<\/span>\u00a0the EU<\/span>\u00a0is not prepared for an influx of immigrants. To put it in more dramatic terms, the European countries are not prepared for a civil war, a hunger crisis or climate change immigrants. International\u00a0<\/span>relations analysts regard<\/span>\u00a0this state of affairs as shameful<\/span>\u00a0given that it\u00a0<\/span>is but<\/span>\u00a0a few weeks to the European Parliament elections.<\/span>\u00a0It would not be a great surprise if the populist parties and the anti-EU lobbyists win seats in the elections.<\/span>\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Commentators on the EU state that the real test will come at the end of the year when the EU negotiates the budget for the next ten years. One asks: will those member states that take in more immigrants be allocated more funds? And will those who do not take any be penalised?<\/span>\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

The latest attempt of the European\u00a0internal\u00a0affairs ministers to come to an agreement on a common policy on immigration ahead of the European Parliament elections has failed miserably.\u00a0 Seven\u00a0different white papers […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":4,"featured_media":2479,"menu_order":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_mi_skip_tracking":false,"spay_email":""},"issuem_issue":[104],"issuem_issue_categories":[9],"issuem_issue_tags":[],"translation":{"provider":"WPGlobus","version":"2.8.8","language":"en","enabled_languages":["mt","en"],"languages":{"mt":{"title":true,"content":true,"excerpt":false},"en":{"title":true,"content":true,"excerpt":false}}},"_links":{"self":[{"href":"http:\/\/weekly.uhm.org.mt\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/article\/2487"}],"collection":[{"href":"http:\/\/weekly.uhm.org.mt\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/article"}],"about":[{"href":"http:\/\/weekly.uhm.org.mt\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/article"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"http:\/\/weekly.uhm.org.mt\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/4"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"http:\/\/weekly.uhm.org.mt\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=2487"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"http:\/\/weekly.uhm.org.mt\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/article\/2487\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":2489,"href":"http:\/\/weekly.uhm.org.mt\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/article\/2487\/revisions\/2489"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"http:\/\/weekly.uhm.org.mt\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/2479"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"http:\/\/weekly.uhm.org.mt\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=2487"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"issuem_issue","embeddable":true,"href":"http:\/\/weekly.uhm.org.mt\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/issuem_issue?post=2487"},{"taxonomy":"issuem_issue_categories","embeddable":true,"href":"http:\/\/weekly.uhm.org.mt\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/issuem_issue_categories?post=2487"},{"taxonomy":"issuem_issue_tags","embeddable":true,"href":"http:\/\/weekly.uhm.org.mt\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/issuem_issue_tags?post=2487"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}